aCHAPTER II

REVIEW OF REALATED LITERATURE

Interlingual Communication Theories

The terms translation and interpretation often misused and misinterpreted concepts. The term translation "refers to the general process of converting a message from one language to another" and also, more specifically to the written form of that process. While on the contrary, interpretation denotes the oral form of the translation process (González et al., 1991: 295). Thus, the study of interlingual communication, commonly known as translation theory, encompasses interpretation as well. Translation has been the subject of philosophical discussions for centuries. Robinson (1991: 68) traces the debate between free (meaning-based) and literal translation back to Cicero's time, but notes that most writers were advocating free translation even then. Many of the first written translations were of religious texts, and there was some controversy about whether the Holy Scriptures could be translated faithfully if the structure of the original message was altered in any way. Snell-Hornby (1988) also examines the dichotomy between word and sense in historical debates on Bible translation, in which purists argued that the word of God had to be translated literally. She quotes one writer as saying that a word-for-word translation is like "dancing on ropes with fettered legs" (Snell-Hornby, 1988: 11).

In his overview of translation theory past and present, Vermeer (1994: 6) states that St. Jerome, the most famous (and successful) translation theorist of the past two millennia, claimed that translators should focus on meaning, not words, except in the case of the Holy Scriptures, where word order is a "mysterium." Other than the concern for faithfulness in translations of religious texts, then, it appears that serious scholars have long recognized that the task of the translator is not fulfilled with a mere linguistic transcoding of a message on what is generally called the object level (Vermeer, 1994: 11). Similarly, Snell-Hornby (1988: 49) asserts that modern theorists agree that a literal translation is useless, as language is not merely a static inventory of items and rules but a multifaceted and structured complex.

Indeed, Robinson (1991: ix) asserts that the idea of word-for-word translation has always been "a mere straw man" for the "mainstream approach" advocated by translation theorists. He reports that the romantic philosophers theorized about a perfect translation that would be both "word-for-word and sense-for sense" (emphasis in original). This ideal dates back to the cabalists of medieval times, who believed that "absolute cosmic correspondence, translating sense-for-sense, word-for-word, even letter-for-letter, was essential, or more than essential, crucial (anything less meant doom and destruction)" (Robinson, 1991: 88).

Development of Professions

Sociologists and historians have written a great deal about the development of professions, focusing primarily on what have long been recognized as the two most powerful ones, medicine and law. Recently, the interpreting profession itself has been the subject of research and discussion (Witter-Merithew, 1990; Tseng, 1992; Mikkelson, 1996).

More and more occupations are claiming status as professions in an effort to increase their prestige. According to Sapp (1978), the ideal of every occupational group is to achieve the status and prestige of a "profession." The concept of professionalism is among the first to be applied as a remedy to the weaknesses and ills of any occupational group.

A review of the literature on professions shows that the line between professions and trades is a blurry one (Collins, 1990; Åmark, 1990; Burrage, 1990). There are many definitions of what constitutes a profession. To cite just one example, Brante (1990) states that professions are non-manual full-time occupations which presuppose a long specialized and tendentiously also scholarly training which imparts specific, generalizable and theoretical professional knowledge, often proven by examination. On the other hand, Carter et al (1990) have devised a list of traits that characterize professions such as theoretical knowledge, autonomy, service mission, ethical code, public sanction (legal restrictions on who can practice), professional association, formal training, credentialing, sense of community, and singular occupation choice (practitioners remain in the same occupation throughout their careers).

Specifically considering the interpreting profession, Witter-Merithew (1990) identifies the following standards that must be met for an occupation to be considered a profession:

A profession is an established field of expertise governed by standards of performance and behavior to which practitioners comply.
A profession is a field of expertise that consists of a body of knowledge and skills that require academic pursuit to master
A profession has a mechanism for testing and determining who is qualified to function as a practitioner and assumes responsibility for monitoring conformance to standards.
A profession has a mechanism for self-examination, contrast of perspectives, evolution of theory and practice and a system for publishing/disseminating this information (71-74).

Brante (1990) identifies four types of profession specifically, free professions (freelance, self-employed service providers), academic professions, professions of capital (those who are salaried employees of corporations), and professions of the state (salaried civil servants). He notes that it is more difficult to maintain solidarity within an occupation if practitioners are of more than one type, since they do not have as many interests in common. Several writers have looked at the process whereby an occupation becomes a profession. Collins (1990) focuses on the monopolization of the market or "market closure," noting that the profession is a highly credentialized occupational world, which fragments occupational markets and appropriates ('monopolizes') opportunities for groups of specialized degree-holders; at the same time, it creates market-like phenomena in the realm of the credentials themselves, such as the 'credential inflation' which has diluted their value in recent decades. When a given occupation is able to establish a monopoly in its market by controlling the supply, one might expect prices to increase in accordance with the law of supply and demand, but this does not necessarily happen. Brante (1990) explains that whereas professionals may possess an esoteric knowledge for which there might be some demand on the market, the knowledge must be linked to high status and relatively high material rewards. If the service they provide is not valued, there is, by definition, no demand for it, and therefore the diminished supply makes no difference. The most powerful professions have both the knowledge and the status; what Brante calls "semi-professions" and trades lack one or the other.

Furthermore, Burrage et al (1990) point out that practitioners of an occupation need the cooperation of others to achieve monopoly power in their market. The main resources they use to obtain this cooperation without sacrificing their autonomy are organization such as forming learned societies, lobbies, labor negotiation groups, and accrediting agencies; ideology such as developing a sense of identity, loyalty, collegiality, consciousness, and values; proximity such as acquiring an intimate familiarity with procedures in their market, the "tricks of the trade", and persistence such as pursuing consistent goals.

These authors also note that in powerful professions, practitioners have formed alliances with the state, their clients, and universities to gain power. Lobbies and interest groups persuade the government to enforce the rules of play in a given market, thus ensuring the practitioners' monopoly power. Clients contribute by adhering to and reinforcing the restrictions on entry into the occupation, implicitly accepting the mystique that reinforces the elitism of practitioners. Universities play a key role by contributing to the body of knowledge on which the occupation bases its elitism, and by producing a cadre of practitioners imbued with a strong sense of identity manifested in professional jargon and symbolic tokens or rituals. University professors also reinforce the state credentialing process by serving on advisory boards or acting as examiners, and by preparing their students to take certification or licensing exams.

Moreover, Collins (1990) asserts that the goods or services produced by an occupation can be controlled either by markets or by hierarchies (bureaucracies). Professionals such as doctors and lawyers generally operate in the market and resist being controlled by hierarchies, but they may be brought unwillingly into hierarchies if they are employees of a large bureaucracy (a government agency, a National Health Service, or a health maintenance organization). It is harder for a profession to maintain its autonomy when it is subsumed under a larger hierarchy. Burrage (1990) points out that many professional associations have begun to act more like trade unions as the economic interests of their members have been threatened by new market trends. In this connection, it is interesting to note that an increasing number of doctors are joining unions in response to threats to their independence and standard of living posed by health maintenance organizations (Greenhouse, 1999; Yahoo! News, 1999).

This brings us to the question of what distinguishes a professional organization from a trade union. In general, professional associations "play down utilitarian aspects to direct attention away from the work which is done, and onto the style, the honor, the moral standards displayed by its members" (Collins, 1990). According to Åmark, trade unions tend to emphasize practical, economic issues, and are more likely to operate in an "open cartel." By this he means a market in which formal rules are established and anyone who agrees to abide by the rules can enter the field, as opposed to the "social closure" approach traditionally taken by professions, which restrict entry to individuals with certain personal characteristics and qualifications, including academic degrees. Burrage (1990) also notes that unions tend to have a more political agenda, emphasizing the class struggle over the more specific interests of a given occupation. Although trade unions have traditionally been associated with manual labor occupations, professionals have at various times in their histories formed unions or resorted to union tactics to achieve their objectives (Burrage and Torstendahl, 1990).

Another issue that has received some attention in studies of professionalism is credentialing. A number of different terms are used to designate the manner in which individuals document their authorization to practice a profession or occupation: licensure, certification, accreditation, and registration are the most common ones. According to Taub (1993), licensure is the most restrictive term. It refers to a government program in which the right both to perform services and to use the occupational title are restricted by law, and generally the license is issued only to individuals who have earned an academic degree and passed an examination (medical doctors are a prime example). Certification tends to be under the direct control of the profession, and it may be voluntary; at any rate, the use of the title is not restricted to those possessing the certification (teachers are a case in point). Registration usually refers to a list of practitioners maintained by an agency or institution, and there may or may not be any prerequisites for being included on the list. Accreditation refers to the approval of a facility, such as a school or hospital, where professional services are provided or where professionals are trained. These terms are not used consistently; for example, the American Translators Association has an accreditation program that better fits the definition of certification. Hogan (1980) reports that licensing is a phenomenon of the 20th century, as the number of occupational specializations has proliferated. On a more serious note, he asserts that licensing unduly restricts the number of practitioners in an occupation, thereby raising prices and denying access to certain people. As a result, more and more clients resort to self-help or turn to "quacks" to obtain services. Hogan also states that there is no evidence that quality improves when a licensure program is introduced, as tests often fail to screen out incompetent practitioners. The fact that standards vary so much from one jurisdiction to another, even though the nature of the job does not change, is evidence that licensure is ineffective, according to Hogan.

A considerable increase of professional endeavors due to social and technological changes has been apparent. (Abbot, 1988) This phenomenon is labeled as the professional complex, which has already become the most important single component in the structure of modern societies. (Parsons, 1968, p. 545) Furthermore, the professional complex emerging on a large scale in modern times has also been considered as the crucial structural development in twentieth-century society. (Wilding, 1982; Goode, 1960)

On the other hand, major professional associations emerged over a stretch of fifty years in Britain and the United States. (Larson, 1977, p. 5) To illustrate, the Census Bureau in the United States noted that approximately 4% of the labor forces in the U.S. were professionals in 1900, and the percentage rose to about 13% in 1970, a more than three-fold increase in seventy years (Versey, 1988, p. 15). The fervor that various professional aspirants have demonstrated in this century can be better illustrated by the efforts made by many occupational groups to justify the claim that they have achieved professional status and that they have become full-fledged professions. Perhaps the way to understand what professions mean in society is to note the ways in which occupations try to change themselves or their image in the course of a movement to become professionalized. (Hughes, 1965) Courses and seminars entitled Professions, Occupations, or Sociology of Work invariably attract many people from outside sociology. As often as not, they want to write a paper to prove that some occupation – their own – has become or is on the verge of becoming a true profession. (p. 4)

In this light, the uniqueness of the history of occupational development along the lines of the professions to the Anglo American milieu should be taken into account. (Larson, 1977; Veysey, 1988; Hatch, 1988). American and British scholars write most of the academic papers about the professions. Nevertheless, the state of affairs is undoubtedly dissimilar in other nations. For instance, in Europe, where the state was much more active in organizing training and employment, occupations were less obliged to scramble competitively for a secure and privileged place in the economy. (Hatch, 1988) In Germany and France, status and security have derived less from a given occupation and more from attendance at a state-controlled, elite institution of higher education. (p. 3)

Then again, this assertion does not insinuate that the professions do not exist in other nation state. The chronological progress of the professions is inimitable to the U. S. and the U. K. for the reason that the impression of the professions is faithfully coupled with laissez-faire capitalist industrialization and a decentralized political structure (Larson, 1977). In further states with a inferior concentration of capital industrialization and a more robust government hegemony, the maturity of professions has a reduced amount of "spontaneity" (Larson, 1977). It is for this motive that the United States is undoubtedly a more archetypal replica of professional progress when measure up with Britain. In the United States, where the government is respected to be an adversary of boundless enterprise, professional status has fundamentally took the place of land, family or social status as the essential marker of achievement (Hatch, 1988, p. 11). In this thesis, the milieu of theoretical standpoint about professions and the alluded paradigms are, more often than not, American. In the set of circumstances of the Republic of China, which is politically more centralized, the background for professional advance is less constructive than in the United States and Britain. Consequently, the responsibility in advance of an occupation seeking professional condition in Taiwan is anticipated to be more arduous. Brisk revolutions, however, are taking place in the political and economic fronts in Taiwan. The country is repositioning en route for liberalization and democratization. Also, the United States has protractedly been a dominant exemplar to which Taiwan government pays immense consideration in policy making. As a result, the occupations at the present possess brighter projection than ever to pursue professional maturity.

The earliest professions were medicine, law and ministry (Larson, 1977). By the side of these unshakable professions are occupations fraught to progress in the equivalent tendency. These are "semiprofessions" which includes elementary and secondary schoolteachers, librarians, social workers and registered nurses (Hudson, 1990, p. 278). Well-established professions, especially medicine, have long been the "archetype' of professions circumspectly premeditated by sociologists or practitioners on tenterhooks to give explanation for their specialized declarations. Contemporary professionalization is associated with the invariable wide-ranging chronological state of affairs. It coincides with the upsurge of industrial capitalism and, in the direction of the conclusion of the nineteenth century and the commencement of the twentieth, with the evolution of capitalism on the subject of its commercial outward appearance. (Larson, 1977, p. 6)

Additionally, the expansion of large-scale organizations also be part of the cause to the rise of professionalism because the intensification in not inconsiderable organizations renders into an escalation in the exigency for professional services. (Abbot, 1988, pp. 144-5) In this connection, higher education also has an imperative function to achieve. The rapid development of institutions of higher education presented the guarantee of professional status to those who could by no means formulate that contention on the foundation of social standing, family or wealth. (Hatch, 1988, p. 3) Progressively, citizens aspiring to achieve professional status also fashioned the requirement for universities a century ago (p. 7). Furthermore, points to other factors, together with the intensification of skilled to unskilled human resources; educational price increases and the desire for the middle class to safeguard jobs for their own children leading to augmented admission requirements, or professionalized occupations. (Braden (1985, p. 10)

The professions are unmistakably poles apart from occupations in that the members of a professional cluster have the benefit of more celebrated positions with superior earnings than those of occupational practitioners (Carr-Saunders and Wilson, 1933). The purpose of this research is to make something stand out the strategies successfully in operation by established professions and point toward the direction in which interpreting in Taiwan can be professionally developed. However, we cannot in simple terms, find a way around the theoretical controversies and expound our model or strategies unsophisticatedly, because no practical model or feasible strategies can be developed without understanding the distinctiveness of the professions. It is the contention of the researcher to stand aloof from the dispute and appraise without prejudice the contending theories, keeping in mind the practical end of this paper, which is to travel around possibilities for the professionalization of interpreting in Taiwan.

Problems with the Concept of "the Professions"

Profession as a concept is a problematical subject of investigation that has been uncluttered to impassioned debate and controversy among social scientists and scholars prying into the nature of occupational professionalization in contemporary societies. The lack of agreement among researchers over the perception has been pointed out in substantial quantity of assessment by social scientists (Freidson, 1986). Some analysts even retain a predisposition to or blatantly deprecate any endeavor to characterize the expression profession. (p. 30) In order to elaborate a decent theory, one needs to be on familiar terms with what in particular he is dealing with in theorizing. On the other hand, given the convoluted nature of the concept, any attempt to gain recognition at a short and snappy, to the point and compelling explanation in a hardly any sentences would be ambitious and moreover, does not serve our purpose, because we are more concerned about how interpreting can be developed professionally than the definition itself.

An alternative approach on the subject of the definition is to steer clear of a straightforward definition and give attention to, instead, the course of action by which an occupational group is advanced to professional status. The process is identified as professionalization (Hudson, 1990). The method is disparaged for not being proficient to define the trend of the progression, to define the closing stages of professionalism toward which an occupation may be moving." (Freidson, 1986, p. 31) Freidson's criticism let somebody have a indication to the nature of the theoretical discussion. Clearly, he criticizes the approach for letdown to be consistent with to a standard that cannot possibly be achieved. By making that assertion, Freidson in a roundabout way takes for granted that there is a prototype of the professions to necessitate the identification of the "end-state" of professionalization, which cannot be pragmatically vindicated. The sociology of professions, regrettably, is not yet sophisticated as much as necessary to pinpoint the phase at which an occupational group can state publicly the triumph in the struggle for professionalization. Conceivably, the "end-state" does not exist at all. Occupational professionalization should be evaluated in a comparative sense.

A coherent action to discover the temperament of professions is to trace the semantic properties of profession and its relevance in a linguistic perspective. The world has a quantity of have common ground undertones and denotations (Freidson, 1986, p. 21). The researcher makes use of the Oxford English Dictionary to outline the manipulation of profession at diverse stages in history. Consulting the Oxford English Dictionary (1989, XII: 572-3), we find the following meanings of profession.

Meaning Group 1

· The declaration, promise, or vow made by one entering a religious order.

· A solemn declaration, promise or vow.

· A particular order of monks, nuns, or other professed persons.

· The order instituted by Christ; Christianity.

· Special character, nature or kind.

Meaning Group 2

· The action of declaring, acknowledging, or avowing an opinion, belief, intention, practice, etc.; declaration, avowal in later use often with implied contrast to practice or fact.

· An act of professing; a declaration. (True or False)

· The profession of religion; the declaration of belief in and obedience to religion, or of acceptance of and conformity to the faith and principles of any religious community; hence, the faith or religion which one professes.

· A religious system, communion, or body.

Meaning Group 3

· The occupation which one professes to be skilled and to follow.

· A vocation in which a professed knowledge of some department of learning or science is used in its application to the affairs of others or in the practice of an art founded upon it. Applied specifically to the three learned professions of divinity, law and medicine; also to the military profession.

· In wider sense: any calling or occupation by which a person habitually earns his living.

· The body of persons engaged in a calling.

· Applied allusively and euphemism to prostitution.

· The function or office of a professor in a university or college.

· The Public registration of persons and property.

The miscellany of meanings put on display in the unembroidered definitions above is perplexing. In the initial category of meaning, Profession formerly refers to a declaration or promise in a spiritual impression. The word in that sense is evaluated positively. The definitions under the second category noticeably are incongruous to those in the first. A consecrated declaration evolves to be converted into an assertion with implied contrast to practice or fact. Thus the word is mottled with an appalling undertone implying the act of dishonesty. It is the third grouping that researchers and scholars are paying attention in when studying the nature of profession. In this category, profession is densely associated with some scientific acquaintance and its application in professional practice. Here we also witness the piece of evidence that the three learned professions, i.e. medicine, law, and ministry have long been registered in the dictionary as paradigms of professions.

Nevertheless, profession in a more extensive substance also refers to any calling or occupation by which a person habitually earns his living. This definition without a doubt frustrates all attempts to put together a distinction between profession and occupation. Unfortunately, it is still in taken advantage of in daily conversation. Indeed, it is not just the public that has been confused. (Freidson, 1986) Scholars and intellectuals have not been immune to the heavy and diverse semantic freight of the word: some of their controversies about professions and professionalization have stemmed as much from emphasis on different connotations and denotations as from issues of fact, logical inference, or analytical concern. (p. 26-7)

Professionalism and Tseng's Theory

Professionalism and the professionalization of an occupation have long been subjects of study in sociology (Caplow, 1964; Pavalko, 1988), journalism (McLeod & Hawley, 1964), and public relations (Serini, 1993). Concern for professionalization stems from the benefits accrued to an occupation that is considered to be a profession. The benefits associated with professionalism include prestige, respect, competency, proficiency, and a positive public image (Pavalko, 1988; Pratt, 1986). Conversely, the terms unprofessional or professional marginality imply a lack of respect, a questioning of competence, and are considered to be insults (Pavalko, 1988; Wardwell, 1972). Thus, it is beneficial for an occupation to evolve to the status of profession.

The evolution of an occupation may be traced by measuring its current status against a list of characteristics that define a profession. The debate has now shifted to a concern with the professionalism of individual practitioners. Rather than debating the professionalization criteria, researchers believe a better question is whether or not practitioners act like professionals (Wilcox et al., 1989; Wright, 1979). Professionalism is then defined as how much importance practitioners attach to the "characteristics of a profession." Public relations researchers use McLeod and Hawley's (1964) measure of professionalism to assess practitioners' individual levels of professionalism. The McLeod and Hawley instrument may be used to measure two variables: professional orientation and professional fulfillment. Professional orientation is the degree to which a person desires a set of professional characteristics in any job. Professional fulfillment is the degree to which a person believes those same professional characteristics is provided in his or her current job (Nayman, Atkin, & O'Keefe, 1973). Individual professionalism is important because it shapes how people practice public relations.

Roles refer to the patterns of behaviors practitioners enact (Lauzen & Dozier, 1992). Public relations researchers have been interested in practitioner roles since Broom's early work on role typologies (Broom & Smith, 1979). Broom's (1982) original typology posited four practitioner roles: expert practitioner, communication facilitator, problem-solving facilitator, and technician. Later research showed that only two roles emerged among practitioners: technician and manager (Reagan, Anderson, Sumner, & Hill, 1990). The technician acts to produce public relations materials. The manager deals with the planning of a public relations campaign (Broom & Dozier, 1986).

Roles have proven useful in explaining other factors in public relations such as encroachment (Lauzen, 1992). The roles practitioners enact should affect how they conceptualize and practice public relations. Roles are believed to evolve over time. Practitioners are expected to move from technician to manager depending on how long they have been in the field (Broom & Dozier, 1986). Both professionalism and roles are basic components of public relations, which should affect the practice of public relations. Therefore, individual professionalism and roles are viable comparison points for a study of international public relations.

Tseng reviews the writings of a number of scholars who have examined the process whereby an occupation becomes a profession. He identifies two schools of thought, those that accept the "trait theory" of professionalization and those who uphold the "theory of control." The trait theory states that an occupation becomes a profession by attaining certain characteristics, including adherence to a code of ethics, a body of theoretical knowledge, licensure or registration, and loyalty to colleagues. Proponents of the trait theory have devised checklists of attributes that can be ticked off to determine how far a given occupation has progressed toward the goal of professionalization. Moreover, The trait theory is, as Winter says, the view "that a profession is an occupation with certain characteristics" (1988, p. 21). This is the earliest approach towards understanding the professions as a new social phenomenon. The approach is sometimes called the structural-functional approach, even though there are some subtle differences, which are not of our interest to distinguish. Theorists try to distinguish a profession from an occupation. They are generally concerned in the first place with the characteristics, or attributes a profession demonstrates that distinguish it clearly from an occupation.

The considered original professions include medicine, law and ministry (Carter and others, 1990; Larson, 1977; Hudson, 1990). Among them, the nearly all exceptional profession that has encapsulated the consideration of social scientists for decades is conceivably the medical profession. By scrutinizing well-established professions, analysts were able to wheedle out the indispensable fundamentals of a profession from the distinctiveness of the medical or legal professions. The method is inductive and observation-oriented in nature. For example, Millerson lists thirteen characteristics of professions from 21 writers on the professions (Joseph, 39) These traits are important for up-and-coming professions, because, the members of many other occupational specialties are self-consciously seeking to elevate the status of their occupations to a profession by taking on the characteristics of professionals. Professionalization is a "process by which an occupational specialty seeks to more closely resemble a profession" (Hudson, 1990, p. 258).

Additionally, the progression of an occupation stirring towards a profession is considered a continuum. At one end is the full-fledged profession and at the other the least eye-catching occupation with semiprofessions in between careworn towards the goal of becoming a profession (Greenwood, 1957; Carter and others, 1990; Hudson, 1990). Semiprofession, refers to "an occupational group that has achieved some of the characteristics of a profession" but to a lesser degree (Hudson, 1990, p. 278).

For a professionalizing occupation at this point, what is exceedingly essential is how this theory can help the members put together strategies to professionalize. The strategy gives the impression of being moderately uncomplicated: develop those professional traits. Draft a checklist (Table 1), with which a professionalizing occupational group can measure the progress made in the process by carrying out each professional attribute (Carter et al, 1990, p. 108).

Table 1.

Progress Form for Professionalization
Attributes of a Profession	Status of Development
Attributes of a Profession	Not yet initiated Target initiation	In Process of development Target completion	Explicitly developed	In use or operation
1. Theoretical knowledge. Mastery of profession's knowledge base
2. Autonomy. Authority over service purposes, goals, and objectives
3. Service mission. Statement of service purposes, goals and objectives
4. Ethical Code. Penalty system for unethical practices
5. Public Sanction. Consumer recognition and support of only AAHPERD- sanctioned services
6. Professional association. Membership support and contribution to AAHPERD unctions
7. Formal training. Pre- and in service instructional programs with prescribed curricula
8. Credentialing. Recognition of competence in professional standards via certificate or license
9. Sense of community. Symbol distinction of AAHPERD professionals with similar interests
10. Singular occupation choice. Practitioner retention in role throughout career

The theory of control, on the other hand, goes beyond internal characteristics and looks at how the occupation relates to other components of the labor market and institutions in society. According to this view, the more control practitioners of an occupation are able to exert over the substance of their work and the market in which they operate, the more professionalized the occupation. Tseng notes that the theory of control views professions in terms of the amount of power they wield, and that professionalization is a collective effort rather than an individual one: "Powerful professions are characterized by powerful associations. An occupational group can exert both internal control (over the body of knowledge and training required for entry into the field and the behavior or ethics of the practitioners) and external control (working conditions and relations with clients). The legal profession, for example, defines not only the curriculum of law schools and the content of bar exams, but also the standards for training and testing in related occupations (paralegals, court reporters, court clerks). As a result, these related occupations have comparatively little autonomy and are less likely to attain the degree of professionalization that lawyers and judges enjoy.

One element of prestigious professions that has often been remarked upon is the mystification of the specialized knowledge acquired by practitioners. Often the aura of mystique is created by using terms of art and jargon when "talking shop" with colleagues, thus excluding the uninitiated from the dialogue. A profession that succeeds in mystifying its expertise is able to control the market by prohibiting interlopers from practicing the profession. A corollary to the mystification principle is the notion that professions gain power by defining the needs of their clients rather than allowing the clients to set the agenda. Thus, until recently it was virtually impossible to obtain a divorce without retaining an attorney, because it was impossible for a layperson to know what he needed to do to achieve the goal of legally severing marital bonds. It was not until a few reformers wrested that power away from attorneys by writing self-help books, complete with sample forms and detailed checklists, that it finally became possible to accomplish an uncontested divorce without retained counsel.

The theory of control also posits that powerful professions establish alliances with the state. If they are perceived as performing a service that benefits the public, the state will grant them special privileges and independence. They are more likely to be self-regulated than other occupations, and this autonomy, in turn, enhances the public's trust in the profession. Tseng concludes that the theory of control is more useful than the trait theory for understanding how an occupation becomes a profession, but it fails to provide guidelines for an occupation that aspires to achieve that objective. Consequently, he provides his own model of professionalization, which draws upon elements of trait and control theory and adds components based on his experience with conference interpreting.

According to Tseng, the first phase in the process of professionalization is market disorder. This period is characterized by fierce competition among the practitioners of an occupation. Thus begins Phase II, the consolidation of the profession and the development of a consensus about practitioners' aspirations. Training institutions must adapt to an increased demand for quality services. They also support the emergence of professional associations as a means of enhancing the prestige of their graduates. Tseng views the professional association as a critical factor in professionalization. In this third stage, professionals can really work collectively with their colleagues to exert their influence over their job description and the behavior of their collegauges, control admission into their circle and appeal to clients and the public for recognition of the profession. The power and achievements of the association strengthen the commitment of members to the course they are pursuing. The next step is for the professional association(s) to formulate ethical standards. "The enforcement of the code of ethics is crucial," Tseng points out, "because it functions externally as one of the bargaining chips to earn public trust and internally as an indispensable tool for internal control." He also emphasizes the interdependence of the code of ethics and the professional association: As professional associations become more influential, their codes of ethics become more sophisticated and are more strictly enforced; but if enforcement is weak, the associations cannot be powerful or function properly.

Johnson (1972, p. 45) makes a similar observation by saying that professionalism is a form of "institutionalized control." Professionalism, according to Wilding (1982, p. 5), is then redefined as "a peculiar type of occupational control rather than an expression of the inherent nature of particular occupations, " because professions are "occupations which have come out on top in the struggle [for professional status]." Furthermore, social scientists that encourage the theory as a tool in the study of the professions contend that a profession is poles apart from an occupation because a profession is "an occupation which has assumed a dominant position in a division of labor, so that it gains control over the determination of the substance of work." (Freidson, 1970, p. xvii)

This approach is essentially power-oriented and is also known as the power approach. In that sense, society is viewed as an arena where occupational groups take action in a bid for professional development (Wilding, 1982). Hence, professionalization is redefined in Parry's words as "an occupational strategy of groups who aspire to collective upward social mobility into the solid middle class" (1974, p. 182). For Larson (1977, p. xvi), professionalization means a process by which "the occupations that we call professions organized themselves to attain market control". She continues: "I see professionalization as the process by which producers of special services sought to constitute and control a market for their expertise." Thus the ultimate goals of professionalization are autonomy and control of the terms of work (Wilding, 1982). According to Hudson (1990, p. 258), professions are "powerful occupations that are currently winning in the constant struggle among occupations to control certain types of work." Therefore, he continues: "the problem is not which occupations are recognized as professions but, rather, the process by which they gained their recognition."

Professional associations are very important agencies for the control of the professions and the wielding professional power. Powerful associations characterize powerful professions. Therefore, social scientists often refer to professional associations as major indicators for the emergence of the professions (Larson, 1977). Professionalization cannot be achieved individually, but it requires collective efforts which come into play in the form of professional associations or societies (Larson, 1977; Hudson, 1990).

here are two major types of control, which are internal control and external control (Abbot, 1988; Wilding, 1982; Larson, 1977) (Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Professional Control

Control of Expertise (Knowledge, Training)

Internal Control Control of Admission (Entry)

Control of Members (Code of of Ethics)

External Control — Market Control (Defining the Need of the Clients Working Conditions Direct Contact with the Clients)

Internally, a profession exercises its control, first of all, over the expertise or specialized body of knowledge. Knowledge is power, according to the power perspective. The most powerful professionals are likely to be those with the greatest control over the sources of knowledge. (Hudson, 1990 pp., 266-7) The sources of knowledge refer to the professional schools, including the training and research institutions that generate professional expertise (Larson, 1977). There are several aspects of the expertise a profession has to control. First of all, a profession has to define its own content of expertise. Take medicine for instance, Larson says it not only controls its own content of practice, but also controls "the content of training for a host of allied and highly skilled occupations, such as nurses, anesthetists, therapists, laboratory technicians, radiologists, chiropractors, and the like" (p. 37). Conversely, those occupations whose content of knowledge is controlled by other occupations cannot fare very well in professionalization. Nursing in the United States is a very good example.

In addition, standardization of expertise helps to consolidate a profession, because if the members share the same knowledge, it is easier for them to have a sense of unity for the profession (Larson, 1977). Standardization is achieved through training and research. On the part of training, professional schools recognized or sanctioned by professional associations, which are mostly affiliated with universities, offer similar training programs for the professional candidates. Students undergoing the same training can therefore be expected to attain a certain level of the competence demanded for professional work. In addition to the content of work, an important area for a profession is the expertise itself, which must be standardized (Larson, 1977). For a professionalizing occupation, according to Larson, standardization is necessary step to differentiate the "professional products" (i.e. the expertise) from the "competing products" so that consumers can easily identify the professional services (p. 14). Also through professional inculcation, students go through professional socialization, at the end of which they learn not only the expertise necessary for professional practice but also the culture of the profession, including values, ethical codes, and jargon.

For a profession, conformity with scientific standards in research methodology is indispensable for "a scientific basis appears to offer the best potential for the unified and standardized production of professional producers" (p. 34). For highly skilled occupations that do not conform to scientific standards, Larson (1977) offers very good advice. Hence, another major area to control is the professional research institutions. Larson believes that change in the expertise is essential for a profession because it "prevents excessive routinization and therefore maintains the relative inaccessibility of expertise" (1977, p. 32). The research has to be conducted based upon scientific principles. Larson further makes the distinction between "pure scientific disciplines" and "quasi-disciplines" (p. 33). The broad scientific moorings of the 'quasi-disciplines' require affiliation with the modern university because of the university's apparent universalism and independence from lay demands and private interests, these educators are in the best position to defend the universalistic guarantees of professional competence and to legitimize the professionals' claim to autonomy and monopoly. (p. 34)

Apart from institutionalized control, a profession can strengthen its control over the expertise through mystification. Professional expertise cannot appear to be esoteric in the eye of the public if it sounds familiar or simple (Greenwood, 1957; Wilensky, 1964). Predictably, therefore, well-established professions like medicine and law have a sophisticated corpus of professional jargon that sounds "professional". Encroachers cannot gain access to the jargon without formal training. Ultimately, with control of expertise successfully achieved, a profession is in a privileged position and can claim to have achieved what Larson terms "a cognitive exclusiveness", which she views as a strong asset for a profession to maximize its earning and prestige (1977, p. 30). Once institutionalized control is maintained, applicants aspiring to membership of a specific profession have to go through formal training at institutions approved by the profession where they go through professional education and initiation.

In addition to the control over the professional expertise, a profession also controls admission or entry into the profession. Professional training institutions for well-established professions like medicine or law are characterized by low admittance rates (Hughes, 1965). To be admitted, aspiring applicants have to prove their worth by passing the entrance examination. The control of admission to a profession is also made through accreditation or licensure. Although most professional societies do not possess the power to give licensing tests to applicants, powerful associations such as medicine in the United States, are capable of convincing the government to perform the task of accreditation using selection or examination criteria approved by the associations. Licensing is needed not only to protect the public from unqualified practitioners (Conklin, 1984, p. 175), to give "an occupation more prestige and enhance the standing of people in that occupation in the eyes of the public." Licensing can also "lead to increased business" or can be used to justify better remuneration.

This type of control is indispensable for a profession for three rationales. First of all, if the quantity of professionals escalates without control, the rewards or prestige bestowed to a profession in general are bound to degenerate (Hughes, 1965). As a result, it is a necessary step if a profession seeks to preserve high financial rewards and social status. Secondly, a professional association has to maintain the character of the profession for its members by guaranteeing to the public and the government that the professionals can perform their service to a rather high standard. To afford the guarantee, the number of professionals performing the services should be controlled. Thus, this can be viewed as a type of quality control. Furthermore, the control of entry contributes to the reduction of competition among the professionals (Larson, 1977). The restriction on entry to a profession, in Conklin's words (1984, p. 175), "reduces competition and is another way to maintain or increase the salaries of those already in the profession." Mass production of professionals lead to the unfortunate reduction of the market shares for the professionals and therefore should be controlled.

Most professional associations have a special committee to oversee the professional conduct of members. In the pursuit for professional autonomy and monopoly, the observance of the code of ethics for an occupational group is crucial to its claims as a profession because no government could or would grant the professions the powers and freedoms they enjoy without guarantees about their use. (Wilding, 1982) Among internal controls, including control over the expertise, and admission, professional associations also control their members by formulating a code of ethics. The professional codes of ethics can be considered as organizational tools in pursuit of professional autonomy and monopolization (Berlant, 1975; Wildding, 1982). Although the code may vary from profession to profession, there are common characteristics shared among all the professions. The ethical code advocates solidarity among the professionals, professional neutrality and a service orientation; bans competition by price-cutting, or advertising; and denounces any violation of professional secrecy by the members.

The service orientation and professional neutrality, as stated in the professional code of ethics, is essential to earn public trust in the profession (Wilding, 1982). Thus belief in the professions' disinterested concern is basic to trust, and trust is quite crucial to the client-professional relationship… Without trust, the personal service and social welfare professions – law, medicine, social work, teaching and planning could not have developed. (p. 76)

For this reason, a profession cannot afford to have its code of ethics breached by its members. The professional code of ethics is considered by Freidson (1970, p. 360) to be the "prerequisite for being trusted to control the terms of work without taking advantage of such control."

Nevertheless, the associations can seldom control members' conduct effectively (Freidson 1986). Because the ethical code cannot be enforced by the government nor by the lay public, due to the technical nature of the profession, control is exercised by the professionals themselves over each other under the belief that the professionals, out of a sense of commitment and duty, will not tolerate any breach of ethics by their colleagues. This is called colleague control or peer control. The whole professional life and pattern of work of the doctor and dentist in the NHS hospital service is such as to maintain high standards and to expose him constantly in his work and results to the scrutiny of colleagues, from whom the truth cannot be concealed – even if he at any time desired so to do. (HMSO, 1977, p. 61 in Wilding, 1982, p. 77)

In this context, librarians are very often not in a position to advise them on what books they should read but rather, are usually asked to locate books for library users. Therefore, librarianship can hardly be considered a profession even though there are still considerable debates about this issue (Goode, 1960). A doctor, in contrast, can always impose his/her expertise upon the patient. Patients are often asked to believe that they are all right if they are told so. In this context, the element of expertise intervenes once again. The more a profession is recognized by the clients to possess an esoteric body of knowledge, the more they are convinced that the professionals really are experts who can always exercise their professional judgment to the client's benefit. Apart from internal control, the professions also seek to assume external control over the market, including control over the job description, control over clients in independent practice and control over general working conditions, including remuneration, work environments and so forth. To achieve market control, an emerging profession has to control its clientele. Professionals first of all have to define the need of the clients (Freidson, 1986). However, it is not always easy and depends on the kind of clients at whom the services are directed. In the case of librarianship, clients go to librarians to seek professional advice on how to retrieve information about certain subjects.

An emerging profession must insist upon independence in performing the service. This means that professionals must always maintain direct contact with the clients. In a case study of engineering in the United States, Larson (1977, pp. 25-31) studies the reasons why engineering with its exclusive body of knowledge cannot establish itself as a profession. Most engineers emerged as "salaried professionals". Since they were mostly employed by large organizations, their function was both economic and technical. On the one hand, they had to research and develop new products; on the other, they were asked to take into account the profitability of the products (i. e. the economic side of the services) or took part in promotional activities. They performed services for their employers, instead of their clients or users. In that case, the excellence and expert nature of the profession could not be observed or appreciated by the clients. Therefore, engineering could not control the market because the market was "subordinate". And the "subordinating of a professional market minimizes the effect of cognitive exclusiveness". This is also the reason, according to Freidson (1988), why engineers were not held responsible for the Three Mile Island disaster, but the government agency in charge of regulating the profession. In comparison, doctors cannot escape public attention in health issues. The distinction between the two in terms of market control is apparent.

Furthermore, the more organized and higher educated the clients, the more difficult are attempts to define their needs. (Friedson, 1988) Larson makes the same observation (1977). These clients tend to define their own problems and needs and anticipate the professionals to serve them. In fact, compliance with lay ideas is, as Freidson (1986, p. 218) observes, "one of the elements leading them the professionals to deviate from the formal knowledge advanced by academics and researchers."

Another condition for determining the extent to which an emerging profession is able to control the market is the degree of ease for clients to supervise professionals when they perform their tasks (Larson, 1977; Wilding, 1982). This argument is not contradictory to the idea of direct contact with clients as we mentioned above. One the one hand, the clients must be able to witness the services performed for them and on the other, the less they understand what the professionals are doing the better the profession can control the market. Such a situation means that professionals must have freedom and discretion over the course of action they pursue. At the same time this increases their independence and their power. (Wilding, 1982, p. 68)

Professions are indubitably powerful groups. Wilding (1982, pp. 59-60) identifies five major sources of professional power. He says that first of all, the professions are powerful because of their "alliance with the state". Secondly, the service nature of the professions gives them power. Thirdly, the technical nature of the professional expertise is a source of professional power. In addition, self-regulation of the professions through observance of the code of ethics and colleague control contribute to justify this power. Finally, the importance of the professions to public welfare is essential to persuade the public to accept the way professionals wield their power.

It is for this reason that teachers have difficulty gaining professional status: most people receive education and they naturally feel that they understand what the teachers are doing. But the situation with the medical professions is clearly different. Although most people go to the doctors when they are sick, still, few of them understand even what their doctor fills in a prescription note. Therefore, powerful professions perform their services "visibly", as Wilding (1982) puts it, and yet they are "invisible" in the sense of mystification, something beyond the grasp of clients.

Control and power are complimentary concepts for understanding the professions. On the one hand, the professions need power to exercise control, both internally and externally and on the other, they need to exercise control to gain power. Crucial to control and power are relations between the profession, the State and the public.

Wilding points out the interdependence of the professions and the State. The State needs the professions to perform important "social functions" and the professions need the State to administer accreditation and protection. Thus relations with the State are built on the basis of mutual need. Sometimes, the State performs accreditation for an occupational group not because it voluntarily wants to do so, but because it is under public pressure (Conklin, 1984). However, no government will grant such privileges and autonomy to any occupational group without guarantees that the privileges will not be abused against public interest. Again a professional code of ethics, in this context, serves to enlist government support for professional claims. It is, therefore, not only a tool for a profession to exercise internal control over members but also it is the foundation upon which the trust and faith of the public— and consequently the government— rest. Confidence and faith on the part of the government and the public are crucial to a profession in policy-making (Wilding, 1982). For example, the foundation of the medical profession's control over its work, though political in nature (Freidson, 1970), does involve considerable public trust, as the Yale Law Journal (1975) concludes, that the political strength of the AMA [American Medical Association] is to a large degree attributable to the status of the doctor in society [and that public trust] unchallenged in the realm of medical science, extends also into the economic and political aspects of health. (p. 94)

Therefore, to justify its professional claims, and to secure autonomy and privileges, an emerging profession ultimately has to prove its worth to both the public and the government. An emerging profession cannot possibly achieve these goals unless both internal and external controls are successfully exercised.

According to Wilding (1982, p. 10), the delegation of power or the granting of autonomy is the result of the feeling that "political control of certain activities is undesirable, that such control should be separated from political authority and handed back to the experts." Therefore, on the other hand, it may be that the state recognizes that political and administrative control would be impossible given the particular expert nature of the activity. Traditional methods of control would be both ineffective in providing protection for consumers and inhibiting for the professionals. State encouragement for the development of professional organization and the granting of powers and privileges to that end can then be regarded as the product of an attempt at securing the best protection for the public. (Wilding, p. 10)

Accreditation and Testing of Court Interpreters in other Countries

In the last two decades, a number of jurisdictions in the United States have adopted certification programs to ensure that the interpreters working in their courts are qualified. The first such program was instituted under the Federal Court Interpreters Act of 1978 (González et al, 1991). Prior to that, interpreters were selected on an ad hoc basis, often with disastrous consequences. According to Hewitt (1995),

Optimally, all interpreters assigned to a court should be screened for their qualifications prior to sending them to a courtroom.
Individuals who are trained in language and interpreting proficiency screening techniques should conduct determination of interpreter qualifications, and who are responsible for maintaining a roster or list of "approved" or "certified" interpreters.
Formalized testing of language and interpreting proficiency (certification testing) is the best way to assess interpreter qualifications. (p. 89)

Establishing the appropriate criteria for interpreting proficiency is a difficult task. California, the first state to implement its own testing program, originally had a "flawed" testing instrument that set "unrealistically low" standards. In response to criticism, the exam was made more rigorous, which meant that interpreters tested in the early years were not measured by the same yardstick as those tested in later years (González, et al., 1991, pp. 541-543). California is still paying the price for its once lax standards for court interpreters, as many of the individuals certified at the beginning of the program are still working in the courts without subsequent retesting.

Most court systems in Europe have some means of screening the interpreters who perform services for them. The screening procedures range from formal examinations of interpreting skills and knowledge of the legal system to informal interviews about the prospective interpreter's background and a cursory glance at the applicant's C.V. (Nicholson and Martinsen, 1997; Gale, 1998). Unfortunately, especially in the case of languages of limited diffusion (LLDs), courts the world over—the United States included—have not been broken of the habit of calling local restaurants that serve foreign cuisine in their efforts to recruit interpreters.

To be sure, designing and implementing valid and reliable tests of interpreting skills in multiple languages is an expensive process that requires expertise not found everywhere. In the United States, these problems has been addressed by the National Center for State Courts by forming a consortium of states to pool scarce resources and standardize procedures throughout the country (Gill and Hewitt, 1996; Hewitt, 1996; Hewitt and Lee, 1996). A similar effort could be beneficial in Europe.

Synthesis

Having discussed the two major approaches to the analysis of professions and understood the complexity of profession as a social phenomenon, we are now in a better position to define the term profession. According to the trait approach, profession can be defined as an occupational group that has achieved the characteristics of a profession, as we mentioned at the beginning. For profession, the control theory naturally would produce an occupational group capable of exercising the types of aforementioned control. Both definitions appear meaningless unless they are clarified in a more comprehensive theoretical context. To evaluate the two approaches, I shall use the following criteria:

1. Which one can better distinguish a profession from an occupation?

2. Which one can better help us formulate strategies for professional development?

These approaches are similar superficially, in that both identify characteristics of the professions. What really marks the distinction⁵ is the difference in their emphasis. The trait approach has long been criticized for several reasons. First of all, the professions are treated as a generic concept that can be defined and identified by its distinctive features (Freidson, 1986; Wilding, 1982; Winter, 1988). This approach, though easy to use and easy for the non-specialists to understand, is not very helpful except to dictionary editors in compiling the definition of profession.⁶ This assumption is criticized by Wilding (1982, p. 2) as treating the professions as if they existed in a "vacuum". It is for this reason that scholars holding this theory never pay attention to the history of the professions. Instead, their interest of study is as Wilding (1982, p. 2) says that the fit between its characteristics and the nature and needs of society, and that development is of a biological, evolutionary nature little affected by action on the part of the evolving occupational group.

Secondly, the theory is made with the underlying assumption that the process by which an occupation evolves towards a profession is peaceful. This assumption totally ignores the fact that the professions have considerable power over the welfare of the State and policy-making and that the process of professionalization often involves a power struggle.

Thirdly, the trait theory assumes that there is a true profession, which is as Wilding (1982, p. 2) comments that an archetypal, ideal type accepted by all students and commentators as exuding the very esse of professionalism and, that from it, the key professional traits can be deduced with general agreement. To decide whether or not an aspirant profession is fit and ready to enter the professional fold then becomes a simple task of scoring it on the agreed attributes. The assumption of one true, apostolic profession is, however, highly dubious.

Therefore, the task for an emerging profession is to acquire all the professional traits exhibited in the model professions; the attainment of these traits translates into the attainment of professional status.

Finally, the approach is criticized because it does not specify the relations among those traits and their relative importance. Scholars holding this theory disagree among themselves about which traits are more important than others. Figure 1 clearly demonstrates the diversity among the 21 writers.

For our purpose, the approach fails to meet the two aforementioned criteria. For the purpose of distinguishing a profession from an occupation, Greenwood's description of professional characteristics, in contradiction with his emphasis on the traits, explains why this theory is inadequate for that purpose. Strictly speaking, these attributes are not the exclusive monopoly of the professions; non-professional occupations also possess them, but to a lesser degree. (1957, p. 45)

Such a statement is enough to frustrate any attempt of this approach to differentiate a profession from an occupation. It defeats the purpose of treating the attainment of the attributes as the attainment of professional status, because those traits are not unique to the professions. Hence, they do not serve as good markers between occupations and professions. Secondly, although the theory provides a quick and easy-to-understand definition of the professions, it does not shed much light on how an emerging profession can be professionalized. Carter's Progress Form for Professionalization, to which I have referred earlier, is a good example of how the trait theory can mislead a research attempt. Superficially, its emphasis on the professional traits does give one the impression that the theory is easy to follow and therefore can be conveniently used as a framework for research designs. However, its oversimplification blurs the focus of research, and in consequence, the efforts to justify the professional claim are distracted from gaining power for the profession to acquiring labels that are too vague to provide guidelines for the professional development. Therefore, the Progress Form for Professionalization devised by Carter (1990) (see Table 1) cannot actually evaluate the progress made by an emerging profession in its bid for professionalization. For one thing, even though some of the characteristics, such as Professional Association and Credentialing are relatively easy to evaluate, other characteristics listed in the form can hardly be evaluated in the degree of completion. For instance, how do we fill in the item under Autonomy? What about the Sense of Community?

However, at this point, we should note that the approach has its own merits. The theory is not useful for this paper not because the characteristics identified are not significant in the understanding of the professions but because the emphasis is wrong. It fails to account for the significance of the dynamics a profession exhibits and the conflicts and actions involved when an occupational group strives collectively to gain professional status.

The theory of control is, in comparison, a better approach for understanding a profession and the process in which the professional claim can be justified. The theory seems to meet the first criterion I mentioned earlier. For example, Wilding (1982, p. 6) observes that the control theory is valuable in alerting us to what is clearly a central professional aspiration. It does seem, too, to discriminate effectively between occupations, which would generally be accepted as professions, and those, which merely aspire to such acceptance but haven't clearly arrived.

When we view the attributes of the professions, as proposed by both Schools, their significance and relations can be better understood as an organic whole. According to the control theory, the goals for an emerging profession are shifted from the acquisition of the professional attributes to the exercise of both internal and external control, as mentioned earlier. For an emerging profession, exercising control is something more substantial than mere acquisition of professional characteristics. Hence, the theory of control performs better than the trait theory in meeting the second criterion mentioned above.

However, we should note that the theory of control, though it has accurately pinpointed the dynamics of professionalization, does not provide any clearly formulated steps for an aspiring occupation to follow on the way to professionalization. Also, both theories are seriously inadequate in identifying the end-state of professionalization, whose existence I believe is dubious. Perhaps due to such inadequacy, empirical studies about the professions in sociology of the professions are few and far between. Most scholars seem to prefer verbal arguments to empirical studies. Nevertheless, this does not pose a serious problem for our study, because this paper does not attempt to justify interpreting as a profession in Taiwan. The purpose of this paper is to study the prospects for the professional development of interpreting, especially in the case of Taiwan. When interpreters have gained adequate understanding of the process of professionalization, interpreting is likely to be better developed.

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Hong Kong Essays

Friday, March 21, 2008